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| Government versus Google |
| An analysis of what's at stake in the controversial case.
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| BY ERIN MURPHY |
IN JANUARY, GOOGLE SPLASHED across the headlines when it opposed a Department of
Justice demand for one million website addresses and one week of search queries. The government says it needs
the data to argue its case before a federal court in Pennsylvania to revive the 1998 Children’s Online Privacy
Protection Act. In 2004, the Supreme Court affirmed a lower court’s order granting the ACLU’s request to temporarily
halt enforcement of the act, which prohibits Internet companies from knowingly providing minors access
to harmful materials. With that order still in place, the government has subpoenaed the materials in an effort to
prepare its case for trial. Google argues that the request is overly broad and burdensome, and that the government
is illegally asking it to divulge trade secrets and compromise its users’ privacy. California magazine asked Erin
Murphy, a Boalt expert in constitutional law, for insight into the hotly debated case.
Does the wiretapping issue and the Justice
Department’s request of Google and other
search entities reflect a fundamental erosion
of personal privacy or civil liberties?
More than anything, this kind of case highlights
the degree to which people in the modern
world routinely expose private information—
often under a cloak of perceived anonymity—
to third parties whose actions typically are
not bound by the Fourth Amendment. I think
many law-abiding, ordinary citizens would be
embarrassed to see their most recent Google
searches publicly exposed—whether it is the
community intellectual typing in "Britney
Spears," the town optimist searching "lonely
and depressed," or the college student impulsively
looking up the cute girl he has never had
the nerve to speak to in class. Searches don’t
have to be about illegal things to be private,
and many people are understandably uncomfortable
with the notion that someone can peek
into their minds and draw conclusions about
their even-lawful intentions.
In the Google situation, what are the likely
outcomes in terms of how the issue might be
adjudicated?
The specific question to the court is, on its face,
not nearly as exciting as the general question
of how to strike the right balance between privacy,
anonymity, and civil liberties on the one
hand and public welfare on the other. Instead,
it’s a more routine question of the government’s
power to subpoena relevant information in
preparation for trial, measured in part by how
burdensome or inconvenient the request may
be for the third party. Google’s defense appears
to be both that this request is not only quite
burdensome, but also that it risks compromising
proprietary information. In this respect, it
is interesting that the government doesn’t want
Google’s information to use directly; instead, it
wants Google’s information so that it can effectively
perform an experiment. The court will
want to know why there aren’t other ways of
performing that experiment that don’t require
Google’s disclosures. In fact, given that Yahoo,
Microsoft, and AOL seem already to have complied
voluntarily, it is possible that, in this case,
the Google records could be viewed as unreasonably
cumulative. Alternatively, the Court
could find that others’ voluntary compliance
suggests that the request is not as burdensome
or unreasonable as Google claims.
Why do you think the administration chose
pornography rather than terrorism as a test
for what kind of information the government
can demand?
It may be that the administration deliberately
chose this case as a test vehicle, but I don’t
think that is necessarily so. In issuing a subpoena,
the government typically has to show
some relevance to a matter at hand—a case or
an investigation that it is undertaking. The government
would be hard-pressed to make such
a broad request in an ordinary criminal investigation;
instead, the subpoena would likely be
limited to searches from a certain computer, or
by a certain set of users. But in the context of
this case, the government has at least a credible
argument that the breadth of its inquiry is justified.
I do think it is interesting that the government
has acknowledged that, while its current
request does not demand any identifying information,
the prosecutor will refer for further
investigation any suspicious searches it encounters
in the review of the data. In this sense, the
request could easily be used—if not deliberately
contrived—as a back-door way of conducting a
broad, suspicionless, and warrantless search for
purely law enforcement purposes.
Should people be just as concerned about a
private company—Google or any other—
having unlimited access to the same, or even
more information?
That is the most significant part of this case,
and the most under-recognized: The fact is that
four major search engines not only store this
data, but also that three voluntarily complied
with the government’s subpoena. It might be
argued that market forces operate to check the
power that these companies exercise with the
information they control. But how many people
really read and consider the "privacy statements"
that pop up when you sign up for a new email
account, use a search engine, or get a new provider?
I think the vast majority of law-abiding
citizens proceed in some degree of "ignorance-is-
bliss," and in some degree of "I’m not breaking
any laws, so why should I worry?"
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